The choir of Salisbury Cathedral. In this
sort of space, Cranmer wanted the
communion tables positioned lengthwise.
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If you go
to George Washington’s Pohick Church in Fairfax Virginia or Bruton Parish Church in colonial
Williamsburg—or Saint Helen’s Bishopsgate in London—you will get a taste of 18th
century Anglicanism and see just how Protestant those Episcopalians used to
be. For the most part they don’t like to
be reminded of it—which is a pity because there are elements in the Anglican
tradition that are marvelously rich in theology and, in particular, in prayer.
We have
seen that Cranmer’s 1549 Prayer Book left much of the Catholic trappings
intact. Cranmer’s foe, the orthodox (but
schismatic) Stephen Gardiner went so far as to say that the 1549 liturgy was
“patient” of a Catholic reading—that is, that there had been sufficient
material retained from earlier rites that a Catholic understanding of the
Eucharist could be found in the work. In
fact, it was an ambiguous work. Yes,
there were elements that seemed to speak of the Real Presence. And while all
reference to Sacrifice had been deleted from the revised Canon (or Prayer of
Consecration), overall there was still some impression that the Mass (the 1549
Book still used the term) was something of a sacrifice. But Cranmer never intended his 1549 liturgy
to be the definitive Liturgy of the
Church of England. It was meant to be a
stop-gap measure that would break the hold of the Traditional Rites (England
had at least four distinct Rites and the Roman was not one of them) before
introducing a far more Protestant liturgy.
Egged on by such Continental Reformers as Peter Martyr Vermigli and
Martin Bucer, Cranmer had begun preparing a new and far more extreme book that
was published in 1552.
In the
meantime, stone altars had been replaced by wooden communion tables and images
of Christ, Mary and the Saints had been removed from the churches. The 1552 book directed that the “table” be
placed, not in what had been the presbyterium
or sanctuary of the churches, but in the choir or in the nave. (The choir is that space in Anglican,
Lutheran and some Catholic Churches—mostly in Europe—between the nave and the
sanctuary where “stalls” (or seats) for the clergy and male choristers are
arranged not facing the altar, but facing each other to facilitate the
antiphonal singing of the psalms. In
North America we tend to see such an arrangement only in abbeys, some
cathedrals, and the chapels of some religious communities.) Cranmer wanted the communion table positioned
in the center aisle of the choir lengthwise and directed that the priest should
stand on the north side—that is on the left long side of the table. In this position he would be facing those
gathered in the seats on the south side, while those seated on the north side
would have his back. What Cranmer did
not want was for the priest to be standing in such a position where the
congregation—or at least half of them—could not clearly see him as he said the
Prayer of Consecration over the gifts.
The table was to be covered with a “fayre white lynnen clothe;” no
mention was made of cross or candles. Crosses
and crucifixes had been done away with; candles could be use if needed for
light but not for devotion.
Moreover,
with the 1552 Prayer Book, the priest was no longer to wear the alb with cope
or chasuble, but only the surplice over his black gown. Bishops did not wear the surplice but the
rochet—a white linen gown with voluminous sleeves like the surplice, but longer
and with the sleeves gathered in cuffs.
As somewhat of a conceit, academic regalia—the hood, the tippet (scarf),
and for bishops the chimere were added to the prescribed dress. (Academic types are always anxious to play
the peacock and show off their academic accouterments.)
The book
directed that
And to take away the
supersticion, whiche any person hothe, or myghte have in the bread and wyne, it
shall suffyse that the bread bee such, as is usuall to bee eaten at the Table
wyth other meates, but the best and purest wheate bread, that conveniently maye
be gotten. And yf any of the bread or wine remayne, the Curate shal have it to
hys owne use.
The bread was ordinary table bread—of the best
quality available, but ordinary bread and what was left over was returned to
ordinary use. The wine—and it was wine,
not grape-juice—was no longer in chalices made of precious metal but in cups
(or, for large congregations, flagons) made of pewter or tin. There was a great pedestrianization of the
Liturgy. There was almost no vernacular
music to replace the medieval chants though composers such as Byrd and Tallis
(both Catholics) would eventually write music of the highest caliber for the
Anglican services. Of course, it takes
trained choirs to perform their work—not your typical parish singers and so
only in Cathedrals could one find that level of music. The Cranmer liturgies were dreadfully devoid
of any beauty except for one factor: their use of the English language. Other than Shakespeare, Thomas Cranmer was
probably the finest craftsman of the English tongue that has been known. His prayers—both original compositions and
his translation of older prayers from the medieval liturgical books—are
exquisite in their beauty.
What were the effects of Cranmer’s reforms? Well, in the first place it would take Anglicanism
several centuries to recover the aesthetics of worship. Up through the early nineteenth century,
Anglican worship was devoid of any architectural, artistic, or musical
richness. (The Cathedral churches with
their choral offices being the exception, at least as regards music.) The
liturgy was top-heavy with words—glorious in their composition but relentless
in their loquacity. Going to church was
to be bombarded with words and even the best of words are given to monotony
when repeated incessantly week after week.
However, the English were never known for the sophistication of the
French or the sensuality of the Italians, and the urban professional and
business classes embraced the reformed religion. They liked the moral black and white the
reformed religion bespoke. It gave them
guidelines on how soberly to use their newly acquired wealth and the Prayer
Book bespoke a piety that set them right before God and over and against those
godless people in Spain and France who were given to rank sensuality and
religious superstition. The upper
classes were somewhat divided. Many of the old families, especially in the
North, discreetly remained Catholics and retained priests as tutors to their
children and unofficial chaplains to their households. The newer families, rising from the
bourgeoisie into government service or even into the peerage, tended to favor
the new religion, but like many of a political bent, wore all religion somewhat
lightly. The rural masses and the urban
poor found themselves bewildered by the new ways. They were not given to the theological fine
points but simply wanted religion. Where
Catholicism survived, in the North and West in particular, some degree of the “old
religion” survived among the common folk, but by and large the ordinary people,
deprived of the religion they had known and not at home in the new ways, simply
drifted away from the formal practice of religion. To any extent they were compelled by law to
attend church and receive the Sacrament, they did, but they could hardly be
said to be avid churchmen.
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