Cardinal Raymond Burke, the most outspoken of Vatican critics of Pope Francis, standing next to Francis as the Pope receives various bishops at the end of the Wednesday Audience |
Here
is a follow-up article to my last posting which comes as the same topic—Pope Francis
and his efforts to bring the Church into a more open and pastoral response to
the needs of 21st century people—but this article in the Washington Post is from the perspective
of Vatican intrigue rather than Father Santora’s wonderful essay written from
the heart of a Shepherd. As this article
makes clear the opposition to Francis is well organized and with leadership
from the highest ranks of the Church. We
can see how increasingly difficult it is for the whole thing to hold
together. Francis is likely to reign no
more than another five years, seven at the most. What will happen in the struggles to find a successor? Will the Church survive the tensions of a
rabidly divided conclave? The vast
majority of Catholics around the world are enthusiastic about Francis and his
more “open style.” Large numbers of
clergy and of the hierarchy are far less enthusiastic. It’s a recipe for all out civil war.
Conservative Dissent Brewing inside the Vatican
By Anthony Faiola September 7 at 7:33 PM
VATICAN CITY — On a sunny morning earlier this
year, a camera crew entered a well-appointed apartment just outside the
9th-century gates of Vatican City. Pristinely dressed in the black robes and
scarlet sash of the princes of the Roman Catholic Church, Wisconsin-born
Cardinal Raymond Burke sat in his elaborately upholstered armchair and appeared
to issue a warning to Pope Francis.
A staunch conservative and Vatican bureaucrat,
Burke had been demoted by the pope a few months earlier, but it did not take
the fight out of him. Francis had been backing a more inclusive era, giving
space to progressive voices on divorced Catholics as well as gays and lesbians.
In front of the camera, Burke said he would “resist” liberal changes — and
seemed to caution Francis about the limits of his authority. “One must be very
attentive regarding the power of the pope,” Burke told the French news crew.
Papal power, Burke warned, “is not absolute.”
He added, “The pope does not have the power to change teaching [or] doctrine.”
Burke’s words belied a growing sense of alarm
among strict conservatives, exposing what is fast emerging as a culture war
over Francis’s papacy and the powerful hierarchy that governs the Roman
Catholic Church.
This month, Francis makes his first trip to the
United States at a time when his progressive allies are hailing him as a
revolutionary, a man who only last week broadened the power of priests to
forgive women who commit what Catholic teachings call the “mortal sin” of
abortion during his newly declared “year of mercy” starting in December. On
Sunday, he called for “every” Catholic parish in Europe to offer shelter to one
refugee family from the thousands of asylum seekers risking all to escape
war-torn Syria and other pockets of conflict and poverty.
Yet as he upends church convention, Francis
also is grappling with a conservative backlash to the liberal momentum building
inside the church. In more than a dozen interviews, including with seven senior
church officials, insiders say the change has left the hierarchy more polarized
over the direction of the church than at any point since the great papal
reformers of the 1960s.
The conservative rebellion is taking on many
guises — in public comments, yes, but also in the rising popularity of
conservative Catholic Web sites promoting Francis dissenters; books and
promotional materials backed by conservative clerics seeking to counter the
liberal trend; and leaks to the news media, aimed at Vatican reformers.
In his recent comments, Burke was also merely
stating fact. Despite the vast powers of the pope, church doctrine serves as a
kind of constitution. And for liberal reformers, the bruising theological
pushback by conservatives is complicating efforts to translate the pope’s
transformative style into tangible changes.
“At least we aren’t poisoning each other’s
chalices anymore,” said the Rev. Timothy Radcliffe, a liberal British priest
and Francis ally appointed to an influential Vatican post in May. Radcliffe
said he welcomed open debate, even critical dissent within the church. But he
professed himself as being “afraid” of “some of what we’re seeing”
Rather than stake out clear stances, the pope
is more subtly, often implicitly, backing liberal church leaders who are
pressing for radical change, while dramatically opening the parameters of the
debate over how far reforms can go. For instance, during the opening of a
meeting of senior bishops last year, Francis told
those gathered, “Let no one say, ‘This you cannot say.’ ”
Since then, liberals have tested the boundaries
of their new freedom, with one Belgian bishop going as far as calling for the
Catholic Church to formally recognize same-sex couples.
Conservatives counter that in the climate of
rising liberal thought, they have been thrust unfairly into a position in which
“defending the real teachings of the church makes you look like an enemy of the
pope,” a senior Vatican official said on the condition of anonymity in order to
speak freely.
“We have a serious issue right now, a very
alarming situation where Catholic priests and bishops are saying and doing
things that are against what the church teaches, talking about same-sex unions,
about Communion for those who are living in adultery,” the official said. “And
yet the pope does nothing to silence them. So the inference is that this is
what the pope wants.”
A measure of the church’s long history of
intrigue has spilled into the Francis papacy, particularly as the pope has
ordered radical overhauls of murky Vatican finances. Under Francis, the top
leadership of the Vatican Bank was ousted, as was the all-Italian board of its
financial watchdog agency.
One method of pushback has been to give
damaging leaks to the Italian news media. Vatican officials are now convinced
that the biggest leak to date — of the papal encyclical on the environment in
June — was driven by greed (it was sold to the media) rather than vengeance.
But other disclosures have targeted key figures in the papal cleanup —
including the conservative chosen to lead the pope’s financial reforms, the
Australian Cardinal George Pell, who in March was the subject of a leak about
his allegedly lavish personal tastes.
More often, dissent unfolds on ideological
grounds. Criticism of a sitting pope is hardly unusual — liberal bishops on
occasion challenged Francis’s predecessor, Benedict XVI. But in an institution
cloaked in traditional fealty to the pope, what shocks many is just how public
the criticism of Francis has become.
In an open letter to his diocese, Bishop Thomas
Tobin of Providence, R.I., wrote: “In trying to accommodate the needs of the
age, as Pope Francis suggests, the Church risks the danger of losing its
courageous, countercultural, prophetic voice, one that the world needs to
hear.” For his part, Burke, the cardinal from Wisconsin, has called the church
under Francis “a ship without a rudder.”
Even Pell appeared to undermine him on
theological grounds. Commenting on the pope’s call for dramatic action on
climate change, Pell told the Financial Times in July, “The church has got no
mandate from the Lord to pronounce on scientific matters.”
In conservative circles, the word “confusion”
also has become a euphemism for censuring the papacy without mentioning the
pope. In one instance, 500 Catholic priests in Britain drafted an open letter
this year that cited “much confusion” in “Catholic moral teaching” following
the bishops’ conference on the family last year in which Francis threw open the
floodgates of debate, resulting in proposed language offering a new stance for
divorced or gay Catholics.
That language ultimately was watered down in a
vote that showed the still-ample power of conservatives. It set up another
showdown for next month, when senior church leaders will meet in a follow-up
conference that observers predict will turn into another theological slugfest.
The pope himself will have the final word on any changes next year.
Conservatives have launched a campaign against
a possible policy change that would grant divorced and remarried Catholics the
right to take Communion at Mass. Last year, five senior leaders, including
Burke and the conservative Cardinal Carlo Caffarra of Bologna, Italy, drafted
what has become known as “the manifesto” against such a change. In July, a DVD
distributed to hundreds of dioceses in Europe and Australia, and backed by
conservative Catholic clergy members, made the same point. In it, Burke, who
has made similar arguments at Catholic conferences, issued dire warnings of a
world in which traditional teachings are ignored.
But this is still the Catholic Church, where
hierarchical respect is as much tradition as anything else. Rather than
targeting the pope, conservative bishops and cardinals more often take aim at
their liberal peers. They include the German Cardinal Walter Kasper, who has
suggested that he has become a substitute target for clergy members who are not
brave enough to criticize the pope directly.
Yet conservatives counter that liberals are
overstepping their bounds, putting their own spin on the pronouncements of a pope
who has been more ambiguous than Kasper and his allies are willing to admit.
“I was born a papist, I have lived as a papist,
and I will die a papist,” Caffarra said. “The pope has never said that divorced
and remarried Catholics should be able to take Holy Communion, and yet, his
words are being twisted to give them false meaning.”
Some of the pope’s allies insist that debate is
precisely what Francis wants.
“I think that people are speaking their mind
because they feel very strongly and passionately in their position, and I don’t
think the Holy Father sees it as a personal attack on him,” said Chicago
Archbishop Blase J. Cupich, considered a close ally of the pope. “The Holy
Father has opened the possibility for these matters to be discussed openly; he
has not predetermined where this is going.”